Editorial of Febrary 11th 2005
 


Giovanna Zapperi
marcel duchamp's dandyism :
the dandy, the flaneur and the beginnings of mass culture in new york during 1910s


 

Françoise Coblence the commonplace and genius

Julie Ramos dandy ambivalences

Seminar of Febrary 11th 2005
Julie Ramos is an associate professor in Art History at the University of Paris 1 (Pantheon-Sorbonne). Author of a doctoral thesis on the relations between landscape painting and music in German Romanticism, she has contributed texts to such catalogues as L’Invention du sentiment, aux sources du romantisme (Paris: Musée de la musique, 2002) and Aux origines de l’abstraction (Paris: Musée d’Orsay, 2003), an exhibition she mounted with Georges Roque as scholarly advisor. Ramos is currently pursuing research on the synthesis of the arts in the nineteenth century and is working on a study about German art in Europe under the Napoleonic occupation.

Dandy Ambivalences


        
Giovanna Zapperi’s lecture, which offers a new and evocative examination of the heritage of the dandy in Marcel Duchamp’s work, allows one to mull over the signification and consider the future of this key figure from the nineteenth century. Within the context of the advent of democratic society, the dandy crystallized changes in the regime of images and in the status of the artist. The disappearance of the foundations of the social and religious order that governed the Ancien régime brought with it the gradual abandonment of a system and field of fine arts that rested on the well-ordered distribution of values accorded to rank. (1) This disappearance opened art to the imaginary locales of the city, as well as to the invention of a new “spectator” whose captivation thenceforth took place almost exclusively on the level of the affects. These transformations were accompanied by a desire that, though experiencing different forms since the French Revolution and the Romantic Era, appeared as a reconciliation of art and life. The dandy participated therein in that he is more than he produces in the way of objects. His dazzling appearance in the public space stemmed from an “artialization” of his own person. One and the same desire led simultaneously to a reinvestment of the power of images, as much in artistic, social, and political projects (which were often quickly qualified as “utopian”) as in capitalism. As regards these projects, one need only turn to the thought of the Saint-Simonians, recently reexamined by Neil McWilliam within the present seminar. Such thinking made of art a way of access into truth, inwardness, and the harmony of a community to come. As for capitalism, by the start of the twentieth century it was already verging on the emergence of a mass culture to be characterized by the reign of the commodity. Faced with these various ways of filling in the modern void that was threatening to the men of the nineteenth century, the dandy offered, by contrast, another emptiness that seems to us to make of him a figure of resistance. Françoise Coblence thus writes that “the dandy is not to be confused with the Romantic positions on subjectivity. But he comes out of the same crisis and constitutes in fact a parallel attempt.” (2) Moreover, this attempt is, in a striking way, part of the renewal of the age’s aesthetic methods, those jointly worked out by Romanticism and artistic “utopias” as well as by the market economy. This kinship is, indeed, brilliantly hinted at by Thomas Carlyle when, in Sartor Resartus, he reproaches the dandy for being only “a visual object, or a thing that will reflect rays of light,” before adding, “your silver or your gold . . . he solicits not; simply the glance of your eyes.” (3)
“But to impress a trademark upon his work was Baudelaire's avowed intention.
        There exist few artistic representations of the dandy in the nineteenth century. His deeds and gestures were most often related, instead, in literary accounts. His absence of inwardness, which he paraded around, was manifested there in his almost abstract manner of appearance. The dandy was above all his carriage and his silhouette, which already possessed an unreal character. He was a succession of labored poses that could be said to resemble a form of choreographic notation. He was a color: in the obituary of Robert de Montesquiou, his choice of tones for his clothing was described as “pre-Bergsonian.”(4) He was, finally, a phrasing, even a timbre. From this standpoint, we can say that the dandy subjugated his public by drawing upon the wellsprings of the sublime. Yet he assigned no goal to this conquest of the spectator, just as he associated it with no prior or higher truth. The “originality” and the distinctiveness in “fashion and behavior” picked up on by Zapperi refer back to no definite social order. While his detachment may be qualified as “aristocratic,” as she proposes to do in taking up Baudelaire’s description, the dandy was undoing the codes of the aristocracy just as much as those of the bourgeoisie. An object of people’s glances, and nonexistent without them, the dandy-simulacrum offered to his observer no determinate content. With no past and no future, he situated himself on the fringes of any certain meaning of History, were it that of the abolition of its march. Independent of causes and effects, he promised neither efficiency nor profit. This militant activism in favor of the equal contained, of course, certain risks. Far removed from Baudelaire’s theorization of this figure in Le peintre de la vie moderne (which nevertheless retains a heuristic value), numerous dandies were, it must be noted, tempted to fill in this void on an individual basis. Doing so, they could not but be unfaithful to the initial project, as the career of Gabriele D’Annunzio, for example, shows. The dandy, having become tyrant, could thus set himself up as community mediator by claiming to be the guarantor of true inwardness, even the guarantor of a salvational masculinity.(5)
        One of the interesting things about Zapperi’s lecture lies, as a matter of fact, in her analysis of the dandy’s gender ambiguity. The author insists on “a transgression of the border between the sexes” brought on by his appearance. Such transgression invites comparisons with the decadent, the effeminate, and the homosexual. Nevertheless, it would seem that this ambiguity is also that of his observer and, beyond physiognomy and clothing, that of the functioning of the image the dandy had worked out. Beneath the irony of a fictional dialogue, in 1889 Oscar Wilde’s The Decay of Lying corroborated the process by which the principle of mimesis and the relation of the “spectator” to the image were being inverted:


“Paradox though it may seem–and paradoxes are always dangerous things–it is none the less true that Life imitates art far more than Art imitates life. . . . A great artist invents a type, and Life tries to copy it, to reproduce it in a popular form, like an enterprising publisher. . . . The Greeks, with their quick artistic instinct, understood this, and set in the bride's chamber the statue of Hermes or of Apollo, that she might bear children as lovely as the works of art that she looked at in her rapture or her pain. They knew that Life gains from Art not merely spirituality, depth of thought and feeling, soulturmoil or soulpeace, but that she can form herself on the very lines and colours of art and can reproduce the dignity of Pheidias as well as the grace of Praxiteles.” (6)


        Faced with a phenomenon that might be described as the “feminization” of an image-influenced spectator (7) —a phenomenon that, far from being new, nevertheless found itself reinforced by democracy and the emergence of a mass culture—the dandy who is Wilde opposed the figure of the aesthete, who escapes by acknowledging the power of images. As Zapperi notes when comparing the dandy to the Baudelairean flâneur, the dandy maintained an “ambivalent relationship to the public space, of which he is a part but also of which he remains an observer.” Individually, he was the model of the person who shied away both from the half-hearted attempts of an art that would transform society and from the charms of the commodity. For the Wildean partisan of art for art’s sake, the “cultured” would catch the effect of fashion, whereas the “uncultured” would conform to it. (8)
        This ambivalence of the spectator’s gender also informs the ambivalence of the dandy-simulacrum. The latter stems from a tension that lies in the fact that the dandy possessed his public while at the same time deploying visual strategies that impel a desire for possession. In order to maintain this tension, the dandy was led to establish a strict control over his public image. The portraits of Robert de Montesquiou done by the painters of his time testify to this in exemplary fashion. He seemed always to have sought to master the result in these painted portraits. The same goes for his many self-representations in an album of photographs eloquently entitled Imago ego. (9) Now, this need to control the uniqueness of one’s image, as deployed in a variety of versions, remained quite fragile and, as the century advanced, was harmed by the proliferation, within the public space, of reproducible images. From this standpoint, the analysis Zapperi proposes concerning the transition from the dandy to the feminine and star-like figure of Rrose Sélavy in the evolution of Duchamp’s artistic career seems to me to shed new light on the gradual disappearance of the central role played by the dandy during the era of mass culture. He disappeared in the sense that he was supplanted by the proliferation of a more easily consumable feminine imagery. He also disappeared in the sense that, like a number of really existing dandies, he frequently ended up living the life of recluse in his own private residence. The example of Robert de Montesquiou, who lived at the turn from the nineteenth to twentieth centuries, allows one to grasp this limit point. “Is it acceptable,” he wrote apropos of the Baron de Charlus in Marcel Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past, “is it desirable to see a fictional character win out over his model, to the point that that model is pushed into the background and almost replaced by it in the memory of men? (10)” Disturbed by the various literary incarnations that were feeding upon his success, (11) Montesquiou seems to have been even more disturbed by those representations that eluded his control. Required to appear, he had first enthralled those frequenting the salons, then he opened his apartment chambers, placing himself there at center stage, (12) before organizing the “on principle egotistical” parties at the Pavillon des Muses. At first, he visibly delighted in the articles these events had inspired in the press, but at the height of his celebrity, he began to fear the photographers and the journalists who could provide a media image of him that slipped away from him. Jules Graveraux, owner of the Haÿ rose garden who invited Montesquiou to lecture there in June 1912, wrote to him, “I shall protect you as best I can from the photographers. It will be rather easy for me to save you from the moving pictures, but you will have to be subjected to the amateur photographer; you know how rife the Kodak is in our time.” (13) Tempted by transvestism—Imago ego presents photos of Montesquiou as Zanetto from François Coppée’s Le Passant and as Prince Houssin from The Thousand and One Nights—and fascinated by feminine artifice—he owned an almost complete collection of the photos of the Countess of Castiglione—Montesquiou did not go the next step and construct a fictional feminine image as Duchamp had done during the same period. That image, as Zapperi points out, espoused, more than the dandy, an indictment of the commodity, of techniques of reproduction, and of the attraction produced by spectacular emotions. The strength of this invention of his was also that it allowed the artist Duchamp to exist both in the image while continuing to erase his subjectivity and outside of it: the star Rrose Sélavy mimics while borrowing her physiognomy and her codified pose does not really exist.


Notes

1. See Jacques Rancière, The Politics of Aesthetics : The Distribution of the Sensible (2000), trans. with an introduction by Gabriel Rockhill (London and New York : Continuum, 2004).
2. Françoise Coblence, Le Dandyisme, obligation d’incertitude (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1988), pp. 25-26.
3. Thomas Carlyle, Sartor Resartus: The Life and Opinions of Herr Teufeldröckh in Three Books, intro. and notes Rodger L. Tarr, text established by Mark Engel and Rodger L. Tarr (Los Angeles, Berkeley, and London: University of California Press, 2000), p. 201.
4. Paul Souday, “Robert de Montesquiou,” Le Temps, December 22, 1921, cited in Robert de Montesquiou ou l’art de paraître (Paris: Musée d’Orsay/Réunion des musées nationaux, 1999), p. 9.
5. On the back-and-forth between the posture of the dandy and avant-garde artists, one may read Carter Ratcliff’s “Dandysme et abstraction dans un universe défini par Newton,” Les Cahiers du Musée d’art moderne, 33 (Autumn 1990): 7-21.
6. Oscar Wilde, The Decay of Lying, from Intentions (New York: Brentano's, 1905). Translator’s Note: I have used the 1998 electronic edition by Geoffrey Sauer available at:
http://eserver.org/books/intentions/the-decay-of-lying.html.
7. There is much testimony, from the early years of the nineteenth century, to the feelings of repulsion at the feminization of the spectator by those very same people who were calling with all their might for a new “distribution of the sensible.” Before the advent of photography, these criticisms bore in particular on those new techniques of representation, and new ways of catching people’s eyes: panoramas and dioramas.
8. Wilde, The Decay of Lying. In Wilde’s text, this opposition concerns more specifically the effect of paintings of London fogs which, in his terms, “have become the mere mannerism of a clique, and the exaggerated realism of their method gives dull people bronchitis. Where the cultured catch an effect, the uncultured catch cold.”
9. See Montesquiou ou l’art de paraître.
10. Robert de Montesquiou, Les Pas effacés (Paris: Émile-Paul frères, 1923), vol. 2, p. 62.
11. Montesquiou has been recognized as the model for the Baron de Charlus in Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past, for the Duke des Esseintes in J. K. Huysmans À rebours (Against the Grain), for the Count of Muzarett in Jean Lorrain’s Monsieur de Phocas, as well as Oscar Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray.
12. Nearly half of Montesquiou’s autobiography, Les Pas effacés is devoted to his apartment chambers. There, the decors replaced people, who were reduced to being bit players, and he altered these decors, along with his own appearance, as soon as he felt any competition from the world of literature.
13. Letter of June 1, 1912, cited in Robert de Montesquiou ou l’art de paraître, p. 18.