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Considered
a passing fad in the 1910s, avant-garde artists’ persistent
interest in African, American, and Oceanic (A-O) arts(1) began
to annoy more and more people by the end of the 1920s. For Waldemar
Georges, “this worship of barbarism, this return to an initial
state of civilization, has become a form of academicism,”(2)
while others declared that it was time to “return to our
clear traditions, those of a race that has already proved itself.”(3)
The Musée de l’Homme (French Museum of Man), whose
staff was built up around Paul Rivet in the late 1920s, was born
in this context of growing tension and increasing xenophobia.
Anxious to make objects brought back from the colonies better
known and to cultivate an appreciation of the values of otherness,
this new institution upheld the documentary value of these objects
as well as a contextualized approach. Despite displays of reaction
against a “wholly aesthetic” view, A-O objects were
still far from being accepted as works of art--as the reception
of an exhibition such as the one organized by Tristan Tzara, Charles
Ratton, and Pierre Loeb at the Pigalle Theater Gallery in 1930
testifies. Similarly, in modern art, the new representational
norms introduced by the A-O arts gave rise to disbelief and violent
reaction. In order to underscore better the pendulum-like process
the status of these objects experienced, shifting as it did between
works of art and documents in the 1930s, we shall endeavor to
retranscribe here the entire complexity of this moment by addressing
the creation of the Musée de l’Homme, the “Exhibition
of African Art and Oceanic Art” at the Pigalle Theater Gallery
in 1930, and the photographs of African objects taken by Man Ray
and by Walker Evans around 1935.
The Creation of the Musée de l’Homme or the
Documentary Bias
“Ever since
certain classes of ethnographic objects--in particular African
and then Oceanic sculpture--have been annexed to the domain of
artistic curiosity at the instigation, a few years before the
war, of artists from the Paris School, a rift has grown between
the public, which has acquired this taste, and the curators of
ethnographic museums.”(4) Georges Henri Rivière,
who was named Rivet’s assistant director at the Trocadéro
Museum of Ethnography in 1928, offered this assessment in 1930.
For him, there was nothing surprising about the fact “that
such a false conception of ethnography would have developed in
our artistic avant-garde.”(5) The dilapidated state in which
these artists had found the Museum of Ethnography(6) could, according
to him, justify the deplorable image they would have had of the
discipline as well as their desire to “build up very quickly
a ‘Louvre’ to bring together in it all the beautiful
pieces of primitive art.”(7) Rivière, however,
deplored such an approach: transformed, adapted to the taste of
the moment, A-O works would then be presented in a way that would
fail to do justice both to their proper functions and to their
original values. The whole difficulty with the Musée de
l’Homme project resided in this tension between the need
to respond to those who would have liked to see the objects of
Africa and Oceania exhibited in a Fine Arts museum and the desire
of ethnographers to revitalize their discipline by designing a
kind of museography that could highlight the original and supposed
meaning of such objects as well as their artistic qualities. The
aesthetic approach, however, did not enjoy unanimous backing--far
from it--within French society, as the debate triggered by the
“Exhibition of African Art and Oceanic Art” at the
Pigalle Theater Gallery in 1930 itself testifies.
The Exhibition of African Art and Oceanic Art at the Pigalle
Theater Gallery in 1930
“The exhibition
of Negro and Oceanic art at the Pigalle Theater . . . upset the
sensibilities of all the guardians of morality,”(8) one
could read in the review Cahiers d’art in 1930.
“To calm a few countries worried about the virtue of their
young ladies,” one could also read, “the gallery owner,
Baron Henri de Rothschild, has expelled from the room a few statues
that did not seem to him to have been clothed in exemplary fashion.”(9)
Reacting against this form of censorship, the organizers of the
exhibition (Tristan Tzara, Charles Ratton, and Pierre Loeb) demanded
that “the chief judge of the Seine court appoint an expert
to give his opinion on‘the purely artistic character of
the exhibited works.’” The argument for art won out
over the reservations of Baron Rothschild and the pieces were
reintegrated before the courts had to intervene.(11) Whether it
was a matter of the African art exhibited at the Pigalle Gallery
or the modern art inspired by it, it was the very status of the
object that was at stake during this era. The idea of otherness
and of contrast, the almost dichotomous opposition between the
Beautiful or the granted and the foreign and strange or the degraded
was at the heart of the approach taken by an artist like Man Ray.
Man Ray: Between Black and White
In a preliminary,
unpublished version of the photograph Black and White that
appeared on the cover of the Dadaist review 391 in 1924,
two sculptures were set facing each other: a Baoulé sculpture
from the Ivory Coast and an Art Nouveau figure representing a
European woman. Symbol of a Western “classic,” the
latter was opposed on a symbolic level to the Baoulé sculpture
but seemed to be establishing a dialogue with her by offering
her a flower. In response to the Baoulé sculpture’s
hieraticism and its marked forms, we have the curves of the European
woman, set on one hip, with one arm over her bust and the other
outstretched toward her “companion” as if to ask her
to dance. The two sculptures are set on a garden chair that is
covered with a musical score. This detail might offer several
interpretive leads from the context in which the artist executed
this composition: close to nature, the white woman (symbolizing
the West) and the Baoulé sculpture (symbol of Africa) face
each other in a dialogue of bodies accompanied by musical notes
arranged under their feet in the form of an invitation to dance.
Here, however, nature is neither “savage” nor tropical.
They are in a garden, which might be suggesting that, both of
them cultivated (in the sense of esteemed, pampered),
the woman, like African art, could give birth to “another”
culture --a culture no doubt happier and richer than the current
one. As for the musical score, it might be understood as an allusion
to jazz. Considered as being, in music, as subversive as African
art was in the plastic arts, jazz constitutes, in some sort of
way, the counterpart to “art nègre”
as well as its substrate; it is the backdrop on which the objects
are to be apprehended.(12)
Would Georges
Henri Rivière, himself a musician and a great jazz enthusiast,
have deplored such a staging for the Baoulé object ?(13)
Or would he have appreciated the egalitarian and dialogic values
brought out by this photograph? Between the artistic approach
and the documentary approach, compromise seems impossible. In
photography, however, a new trend was in the process of developing,
one that associated “two poles that until then were considered
irreconcilable.”(14) “If one can legitimately speak
of a wave of the ‘documentary style’ during the interwar
period,” writes Olivier Lugon, “it was not only that
these types of images were then appearing--they had existed for
a long time--but especially that they had suddenly found a name,
a theoretical framework, and that they were emerging as an aesthetic
category.” Present in Europe since the Renaissance, the
A-O arts, for their part, had become the object of the same phenomenon
of theoretical and aesthetic emergence in the 1930s. A new sensibility
was leading some artists to look into what had, until then, been
thought to pertain exclusively to the domain of the documentary
and of ethnography and were considered to have some value in relation
to the object or to the culture being represented but not to have
any genuine value in itself. At the juncture between these two
movements of convergence toward objects hitherto situated outside
the field of art, the series of photographs of African works taken
by Walker Evans for New York’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA)
on the occasion of the 1935 African Negro Art exhibition made
their mark.
Walker Evans and the Arts of Africa
While Paris was
considered, until the 1930s, the capital of “Negro”
art, New York organized a major exhibition of African art in 1935
that rivaled all those organized until that date. For this young
institution, it was a matter of affirming its place on the modern-art
scene and of rivaling Paris by organizing a prestigious exhibition
in homage to one of the main sources of inspiration for the European
avant-garde. Of the six-hundred pieces exhibited, nearly four-hundred-and-sixty
were photographed by Walker Evans, from whom the Museum had commissioned
a series of portfolios to be distributed among various American
universities with the aim of making African art better known in
the United States.(15) While the photographs were supposed to
be purely documentary in character, they nonetheless also brought
out an aesthetic inherent to photography and dear to the institution
in question. Indeed, Evans made no basic changes in his technique
when photographing these sculptures. As with his views of buildings
or streets, he took a head-on approach, framing tightly around
the object,(16) which was itself placed at the center of the composition;
no low-angle shots or plays of light and shadows that might express
the photographer’s subjectivity opposite the object were
used. Evans rejected pictorialism (moreover, he positioned himself
firmly against the approach of Alfred Stieglitz), championing
realism, absolute neutrality, and the elimination of all subjectivity
from the work. The gap between the object and its reproduction
disappeared and the photographed subject became the photographed
object. These photographs almost came to substitute themselves
for the sculptures. In sum, this approach concurred with that
of the exhibition’s curators: in the MoMA rooms, the works
were to be grasped outside their original context, and disconnected
from other possible works belonging to the same geographical area
or the same period of creation, as pure plastic creations echoing
the modernist aesthetic. If Evans’ photographs came to substitute
themselves, qua subject, for the sculptures photographed,
one might say, similarly, that in African Negro Art, A-O
objects lost their status as subjects so as to becomes
objects of modern art. It was therefore less a matter
here of disseminating “another” culture or “other”
values(17) than of consolidating an aesthetic canon that was in
the processing of being built up, via the arts of Africa.
Conclusion
After World War
II, the arts of Africa continued their institutional displacement
from the sphere of anthropology toward that of the Fine Arts.
Bled dry by the war, France could no longer maintain the role
of capital of the arts.(18) New York took over that role with
the inauguration of the Museum of Primitive Art, founded by Nelson
A. Rockefeller in 1957, just a few steps away from MoMA. Intimately
linked together as much on the administrative level as on the
level of the aesthetic being promoted, these two institutions
endeavored to promote modern art and A-O art. In 1967, Rockefeller
donated his collection to New York’s Metropolitan Museum
of Art, which in 1982 inaugurated a Michael C. Rockefeller wing
devoted to these objects. In France, an event of such symbolic
importance would not occur until twenty years later with the inauguration
of the Louvre’s Pavillon des Sessions. The Quai Branly Museum,
which is devoted to the arts of Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania,
opened its doors to the public in 2005. In both cases, the bias
in favor of the aesthetic won out over the one favoring the document.
In light of the reflections, research efforts, and debates that
are today emerging in the history of art as well as in anthropology,(19) a third way should be able to take shape, one that would
reconcile art and the document, as well as the history of art
and anthropology, for the sake of an approach to A-O arts that
would take into account the history and reception of these objects
in the West and would do so within a broader multidisciplinary
perspective.
Notes
1.
We shall use the abbreviation A-O in order to designate the arts
of Africa, Asia, America, and Oceania and so as to avoid such
adjectives as primitive, first, initial, or tribal. This
abbreviation is but an expedient while we wait for the artistic
productions of these regions of the world to be grasped separately
and for the sake of their own specific characteristics.
2. Waldemar Georges, “Le crépuscule
des idoles,” in Les Arts à Paris, 17 (May
1930): 7.
3. Fernand Hure, “Procès d’une
farce dramatique,” in Le Publicitaire (undated,
but probably published around 1930). Review of the Percier Gallery,
1930-1931, archives of the Percier Gallery, Kandinsky Library,
French National Museum of Modern Art/Center for Industrial Creation,
Paris.
4. Georges Henri Rivière, “De l’objet
d’un musée d’ethnographie comparé à
celui d’un musée de Beaux-arts,” Cahiers
de Belgique, 9 (November 1930): 310.
5. Ibid.
6. Apropos of the history of the Trocadéro
Museum of Ethnography, see Nélia Dias, Le Musée
d’Ethnographie du Trocadéro 1878-1908. Anthropologie
et muséologie en France (Paris: Éditions du
CNRS, 1991).
7. Ibid., p. 310.
8. “Art et pudeur” in Cahiers d’art,
1930.
9. Ibid.
10. See Figure 3.
11. This anecdote, which is emblematic of the
changes and tensions at work in society during that era, is reminiscent
of another one--that of the lawsuit filed, three years earlier,
by Constantin Brancusi against the United States Customs Service,
which had seized his sculptures on the grounds that they were
industrial products. See Brancusi contre États-Unis:
un procès historique, prefaced by Margit Rowell (Paris:
Adam Biro, 1995).
12. Apropos of this, see Jody Blake, Le tumulte
noir: Modernist Art and Popular Entertainment in Jazz-Age Paris,
1900-1930 (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University,
1999).
13. Apropos of Georges Henri Rivière,
see Nina Gorgus, Le magicien des vitrines, le muséologue
Georges Henri Rivière (Paris: Editions de la Maison
des Sciences de l’Homme, 2003).
14. Olivier Lugon thus wrote: “Before the
1920s, not only did the documentary not constitute a aesthetic
genre but was the negation thereof. Yet suddenly, around 1930,
these two hitherto irreconcilable poles found themselves deliberately
brought together in numerous photographic projects” (Le
style documentaire. D’August Sander à Walker Evans,
1920-1945 [Paris: Macula, 2001], p. 15).
15. Apropos of this, see Virginia-Lee Webb, Perfect
Documents: Walker Evans and African Art, 1935 (New York:
The Metropolitan Museum, 2000).
16. Evans trimmed his negatives so that the edges
of the photograph would be as close as possible to the object.
On this point, see Virginia Lee-Webb, p. 35.
17. In the catalogue, the only information concerning
the objects was written in the form of captions. It does not seem
that the portfolio was accompanied by any texts of an in-depth
nature. On the other hand, Professor Franz Boas, who at the time
headed Columbia University’s Anthropology Department, was
invited to give a lecture on the arts of Africa on April 17, 1935.
See Virginia Lee-Webb, p. 23.
18. Apropos of this, see Serge Guilbaut, How
New York Stole the Idea of Modern Art: Abstract Expressionism,
Freedom, and the Cold War, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1983).
19. See, for example, Les cultures à
l’oeuvre. Rencontres en art, ed. Michèle Coquet,
Brigitte Derlon, and Monique Jeudy-Ballini (Paris: Adam Biro,
Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’Homme, 2005).
Bibliography
Brancusi contre États-Unis: un procès
historique. Prefaced by Margit Rowell. Paris: Adam Biro,
1995.
Blake, Jody. Le tumulte noir, Modernist Art
and Popular Entertainment in Jazz Age Paris, 1900-1930. University
Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University, 1999.
Dias, Nélia. Le Musée d’Ethnographie
du Trocadéro 1878-1908. Anthropologie et muséologie
en France. Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1991.
Gorgus, Nina. Le magicien des vitrines, le
muséologue Georges Henri Rivière. Paris: Éditions
de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 2003.
Guilbaut, Serge. How New York Stole the Idea
of Modern Art: Abstract Expressionism, Freedom, and the Cold War.
Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1983.
Lugon, Olivier. Le style documentaire. D’August
Sander à Walker Evans, 1920-1945. Paris: Macula, 2001.
Rivière, Georges Henri. “De l’objet
d’un musée d’ethnographie comparé à
celui d’un musée de Beaux-arts.” Cahiers de
Belgique, 9 (November 1930).
Webb, Virginia-Lee. Perfect Documents: Walker
Evans and African Art, 1935. New York: The Metropolitan Museum,
2000.
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Fig. 1: View of
the “Exhibition of African Art and Oceanic Art”
at the Pigalle Theater Gallery in 1930. Set of uninventoried
and unpublished glass plates, French Society of Photography,
Paris.
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Fig. 2: Man Ray,
alternate version of Black and White; glass plate,
ca. 1921. Man Ray photographic collection, Georges Pompidou
Center, Paris. High-resolution scanned version available.
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Fig.
3: Walker
Evans: photograph of a Bangwa sculpture from Cameroon, taken
from the African Negro Art portfolio published
on the occasion of the exhibition of the same name at the
Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1935. Inv. no. 256.
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